Many may no longer remember the original context of the statement. When Réka Szemerkényi, the ambassador to Washington, was unexpectedly recalled in 2017, Viktor Orbán, in response to a journalist's question about the reasons, replied: “I don't deal with women’s affairs.”
Viktor Orbán’s Affairs with Women
Viktor Orbán’s Affairs with Women offers a scholarly yet accessible analysis foranyone interested in the gender politics of the illiberal governments led by the Prime Minister, who has been governing Hungary for a decade and a half, affecting both women and men.
The journalist and the historian, from two different perspectives, complementing each other and responding to each other, reveal the relationship of the illiberal state to women. While it meets scientific professional expectations in terms of content, processes a vast amount of literature, and every statement can be supported by data, the text remains easy to follow and readable by using the tools of journalism.
The authors use well-known and highly controversial public debates and criminal cases in Hungary as case studies. Starting from these, they deduce how systemic deficiencies and errors, which are not remedied intentionally or due to disinterest, emerge behind seemingly unique cases. Zsuzsanna Balázs and Andrea Pető not only present how specific governmental measures have affected people living in Hungary, but also how the legal and economic measures of the past decade and a half have influenced the enforcement of human rights.
They present how Fidesz-KDNP, governing for 15 years, has applied and dismantled the national and international anti-discrimination and equal rights legal frameworks, thus offering an alternative to the liberal value system. They analyze why Fidesz might still be popular among Hungarian women, and why they vote for the Orbán regime, which confines women within strict boundaries, often even against their own interests.
The book
The Authors
Andrea Pető is a historian, professor at the Department of Gender Studies at the Central European University (CEU) in Vienna, and a researcher at the CEU Democracy Institute in Budapest. Her professional and public work has been recognized with numerous national and international awards, including the Madame de Staël Prize of the European Academies (ALLEA) in 2018 and the Human Rights Award of the University of Oslo in 2022.
Zsuzsanna Balázs works as a journalist in Budapest. She began her professional career 20 years ago with scientific storytelling and popularization of science, then gradually turned towards public affairs, education, and science policy. She writes investigative articles and interviews, and hosts the Szubkontra podcast.
Table of contents
Preface
Introduction
Meet the meat market
The skirt of a proper woman hides it all
Rebranding the Feminine Mystique
Women trafficking as a legitimate business model
Waiting for Mrs. Godot
Importing women to take care of your relatives
The more you study, the less you earn
Participation rather than victory
The ultrasound of silence
Rural women rising
Crime and prejudice
Orbán’s government: Friend to the worthy families
Epilogue: The Illiberal Handmaid’s Tale
Glossary
Appendix
Bibliography
Excerpts
Preface (Excerpt)
“The purpose of this book is not to map the Hungarian Prime Minister's series of successes in dismantling democratic institutions and checks and balances or to assess Viktor Orbán’s sudden crush on the powers of the East. These have been analyzed several times recently. Instead, through clear and accessible examples, this book introduces how the newly built political system, the NER, has influenced women's lives in Hungary over the past 15 years (...). Each of our chapters begin with unique cases that serve as unmistakably strong examples of our discussion of the social construct of Hungary. The stories told about different fields of gender equality illustrate the extent to which women voters are provided with or denied access to resources, protection, and opportunities in the Orbán era. These cases are not exceptional, many similar stories could have been discussed. The ones we picked, however, attracted great media attention, thus having a great effect on public discourse, even beyond Hungary. These case studies are capable of shedding light on the general trends of how illiberal politics works.”
Meet the meat market (Excerpt)
"We deliver your raw material every day for free!" This phrase used on the posters stuck to the sides of its delivery vans by a Hungarian company called Chef Market could hardly be considered as particularly catchy. Although the phrase was very much to the point for a delivery company supplying restaurants with fresh products like meat, vegetables, and dairy products. The secret behind the quick success of the company's marketing strategy was, however, not hidden in the phrase but the photo next to the slogan. On the side of the vans, there were life-size photographs featuring young women posing erotically, shoving off their breasts and buttocks. The models were almost entirely naked; their intimate body parts were covered only by thinly sliced meat, bacon, and ham. On the posters there was a telephone number and a simple message saying: 'Meat products –The Chefs' choice' (…). The example of Chef Market could have been an exception in Fidesz-KDNP-led Hungary, mainly because, at the time, the governing politicians never missed a publicity stunt to declare themselves as Christian and conservative. Nevertheless, another public scandal shed light on the everyday practice of gender discrimination….”
What happens in the family stays in the family
“At first glance, there is nothing in common between the hospital director of Budapest and the butcher of a village in the countryside. One of them is a wealthy pediatrician with high social status who is respected by his colleagues and patients and related to a minister of the first Orbán government (1998-2002) who has served as a state secretary and then as an ambassador after 2010. When the first witnesses, such as the daughter of Erika Renner, the victim of the ‘Bleach doctor’ told the police investigators that the hospital director had been harassing her mother for months, they were reluctant in considering the possibility that the bestiary crime could have been committed by a well-respected doctor with excellent political connections. In contrast, the other perpetrator, the butcher with only a middle school certificate, had tried – quite unsuccessfully – to set up his own business in a small village. His neighbors knew him as an unpleasant, incompatible man, and he had been at odds with his family members for years. Not only did he not have any contact with the key players in Hungarian politics and the national economy, but he had very few friends at all. Nevertheless, one thing was eerily similar as the two crimes unraveled: both men narrowly escaped punishment for a premeditated violent crime committed with exceptional cruelty against their ex-partners (...). The victim of the 'bleach doctor' survived, partly because of sheer luck and because her friends were aware of her being harassed for months. Although it took six complete criminal trials, the perpetrator of the unprecedentedly horrendous crime was eventually convicted. The 'Darnózseli butcher' was also put behind bars due to the persistence of the brutally murdered wife's brother and the attention of the press. Although several years after the brutally implemented crimes there was a verdict, this does not testify that the Hungarian judicial system provides a safety net or even late justice for the victims of abusive relationships or domestic violence....”
Waiting for Mrs. Godot (Excerpt)
“The supporters of the governing party were not particularly upset that pro-government publicists and influencers financed by state revenues have repeatedly launched dehumanizing character assassinations against politically active female students who have barely passed into adulthood. Most Hungarians are not supportive of the idea of young girls poking their noses into something that the majority considers men's work. This notion is not a result of coincidence, it is strengthened by many covert suggestions of high-ranking politicians. The prime minister himself, who has been unwaveringly successful for a decade and a half, likes to refer to both politics and his performances as "men's work". This is not independent from the fact that the majority of the Hungarian public already thinks along the same lines, thus stereotypical interpretation of politics is not challenged but reinforced by the holders of power. The position of prime minister has existed in Hungary for almost two hundred years. Nevertheless, it has never even occurred to anyone that a woman could hold this office….”
Rural women rising (Excerpt)
“One of the first grassroots organizations in Hungary, the Women for Lake Balaton Association, was founded in January 1995 by 21 women who set themselves the goal of defending one of Europe's largest freshwater lakes. The ‘Hungarian Sea’ that served as a meeting point for friends and relatives living in the eastern and western halves of Germany, while the German nation was torn apart during the cold war, is now in need of protection once again. The Orbán regime used a significant part of the billions of euros that flowed into Hungary in the form of EU subsidies, almost entirely unchecked, to enable the politically connected elite of the NER to enrich themselves with prestigious investments on the shores of Lake Balaton. The NER oligarchs also received non-refundable state loans worth billions for tourism investments. The coastal reeds, crucial for maintaining the lake's ecosystem, were almost completely eradicated, and substantial luxury hotels, yacht clubs, and residential parks were built on the land, thus freed up by the lake….”
Orbán’s government: Friend to the worthy families
“Hungary has been covered with billboards along highways, airport terminals, bus stations, and other busy hubs, featuring smiling couples and happily running children, promoting family-friendliness. The imagery aligns with the government's clear message that Fidesz-KDNP expected the birth rate increase primarily from middle-class families. However, the Orbán regime's population policy master plan did not yield the expected results (...). If Viktor Orbán has remarkable political skills, it lies in his ingenuity in handling crises that his political camp, often due to governance shortcomings, faces from time to time. The polypore state's family support system played a crucial role in this, being promoted as evidence of state care despite economic indicators clearly showing that it primarily benefited the construction industry and boosted consumption, thereby increasing tax revenues….”
